Seeking Pleasure Behind Bars: Should Masturbation in Prison Really Be Prohibited?

Gunning: a term generally describing public masturbation in prison. “Gunning” may more specifically refer to the act of masturbating to the sight of a female guard in which the guard may be able to observe said “gunner” (Cusack, 2014).

For inmates in most North American correctional facilities, masturbating is a prohibited and punishable offense. Most of us Westerners can agree that masturbation is only acceptable (and lawful) when done in private. However, when you get sent to the slammer, your right to privacy is little-to-none. By default, this ends up making most cases of masturbation in prison public and, therefore, prohibited (Cusack, 2014).

This prohibition, however, does not keep inmates from seeking a little autoeroticism from time to time. One study that explored the prevalence of masturbation and consensual same-sex activity in a Southern correctional facility found that of the 142 inmates who agreed to participate, only one had never masturbated in prison (Hensley et al., 2001). The same study reported that 30.5% of inmates masturbated two to three times per week, and 22.7% reported masturbating multiple times a day (Hensley et al., 2001). Another study conducted in an all-female Southern correctional facility reported that of the 245 inmates who agreed to participate in the research, 18.6% masturbated two to three times per week, and almost 3% reported masturbating more than once a day (Hensley et al., 2001).

According to Marty Klein (2012), a certified sex therapist, “criminalizing something that everyone does [referring to autoeroticism in prison] makes selective enforcement inevitable,” which further perpetuates inequity and distrust in the judicial system. So why is it so wrong for inmates to seek a little erotic “me time” in the darkness of their cells at night?

Why Masturbation is Currently Prohibited in Most Prisons

There are several reasons for the prohibition of masturbation in correctional facilities. As previously mentioned, almost all areas inside prison walls, including individual cells, are considered public spaces, making masturbation almost anywhere within a prison a punishable offense (Cusack, 2014). Some have argued that maintaining the taboo nature of public masturbation (in prison and in the general population) is important due to the “high comorbidity between public masturbation and other paraphilic sex crimes” (Cusack, 2014) such as frotteurism (i.e., the act of touching/rubbing one’s genitals against another non-consenting individual). Others who support prohibiting acts of autoeroticism behind bars suggest that frequent masturbation is associated with lower energy levels and reduced drive and could therefore negatively impact inmates’ motivation to improve themselves while serving their sentence (Cusack, 2014). Though many studies suggest masturbation is a form of self-soothing, a source of pleasure, and a way to alleviate boredom, others argue that “inmates should use their vitality, time, and energy to learn, rehearse, and engage in more sophisticated, productive, and deeply satisfying coping skills and activities” (Cusack, 2014).

Maintaining masturbation in prison as a punishable offense supposedly protects inmates. Relationships between masturbation and sex abuse in prison have been reported, such as inmates using masturbation as a weapon to terrorize fellow inmates and/or correctional officers (Kot, 2019), but these associations remain controversial. Because of this, prison management systems have decided that eliminating all sexual behaviours in prison is essential to protect inmates from said abuse (Cusack, 2014). Additionally, displays of masturbation in prison have been used to harass fellow inmates, threaten future rape, or initiate a physical fight (Cusack, 2014). In recent years, the hammer has come down even harder on masturbation in prison with the increased presence of female correctional officers. Female guards working in prisons that permit masturbation report that being sexually harassed is a common occurrence, and they don’t feel protected by their employers (Cusack, 2014). As a whole, courts agree that correctional facilities must prohibit and eradicate masturbation in order to prevent sexual abuse and harassment (Cusack, 2014).

Sam Hughes, a Ph.D. candidate at UC Santa Cruz argues that today’s “prisoners are also dealing with residuals from Christian-based prison programs which were ruled unconstitutional in 2006” (Dold, 2017). These programs forced prisoners and guards to believe that masturbation, as well as same-sex sexual behaviour and premarital sex, were sinful, and Hughes believes that such “education” has perpetuated the stigma of masturbation in the prison system today (Dold, 2017).

Why The Prohibition of Masturbation in Prison Should Be Reconsidered

Although there are solid reasons for forbidding masturbation in prison, many prisoners’ rights activists believe that denying inmates the right to one of the most primitive, natural forms of relaxation and stress relief is appalling. Hughes, for example, fully disagrees with studies that have found a correlation between masturbation and sexual abuse, arguing that autoeroticism could not only help to minimize rape of other inmates, but also reduce the occurrence of issues such as prostitution and transmission of STIs behind bars (Dold, 2017).

Klein argues that punishing inmates for masturbating in prison is counterproductive (Klein, 2012). “How do people feel after they orgasm? Relaxed!” he writes, suggesting that the opportunity for a little self-pleasure now and then would help release pent up frustration, stress, and anxiety among inmates and give them the opportunity to obtain “a sense of control in otherwise repressive circumstances” (Klein, 2012). He believes it is simply outrageous to expect inmates to behave completely asexually for months or years on end (Klein, 2012).

The fact of the matter is: masturbation is an extremely healthy and normal behaviour. Hosting a regular party-of-one for yourself often results in orgasm, flooding your brain with endorphins that make you feel good, producing a natural high (Vagianos, 2017). Engaging in autoeroticism also helps to relieve pent-up stress (Vagianos, 2017). This alone has endless health benefits, considering that many doctors believe most illness nowadays is stress-related. Masturbating also effectively relieves sexual tension (Vagianos, 2017). The long-term social, mental, emotional, and physical implications of spending extended periods of time in an extremely sexually repressive environment cannot be healthy for inmates. Knowing that sex is an important component of many people’s lives and relationships, how can the judicial system confidently say that they are doing all they can to rehabilitate inmates during their time in prison while also starving them of an experience that is so innately human? How can we expect inmates to not exhibit deviant sexual behaviour or experience any form of sexual dysfunction once they are released into the general population after going through extreme sexual deprivation?

Future Directions

Although it won’t be easy to find a solution to the issue of masturbation in prison, it is crucial that we do so for the health, well-being, and proper treatment of inmates everywhere. Attempting to enforce legislation on when and where inmates are permitted to masturbate (e.g., in your bed, lights off, covers up) could often become a situation of a guard’s word against an inmate’s, to which the inmate will likely lose every time (Dold, 2017). Additionally, until the issue of overcrowding in North American prisons is addressed, it will be almost impossible to designate safe, private spaces for autoerotic purposes (Dold, 2017). Similar to the way we must provide inmates with nutritious food and the opportunity for physical exercise, these individuals should not be denied the ability to practice safe, healthy, solo masturbation, considering that to many individuals, regular masturbation plays an important role in proper mental, emotional, and sexual functioning.

Taylor Brohm, BScH in Life Sciences, Queen's University

References:

Cusack, C. M. (2014). No stroking in the pokey: Promulgating penological policies prohibiting masturbation among inmate populations. JL & Soc. Deviance, 7, 80.

Dold, K. (2017, January 6). Why It's Illegal for Prisoners to Masturbate. Retrieved from https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/ypvk7g/why-its-illegal-for-prisoners-to-masturbate

Hensley, C., Tewksbury, R., & Koscheski, M. (2001). Masturbation Uncovered: Autoeroticism in a Female Prison. The Prison Journal, 81(4), 491–501. doi: 10.1177/0032885501081004005

Hensley, C., Tewksbury, R., & Wright, J. (2001). Exploring the dynamics of masturbation and consensual same-sex activity within a male maximum security prison. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 10(1), 59-71.

Hughes, S. D. (2020). Release within confinement: An alternative proposal for managing the masturbation of incarcerated men in US prisons. Journal of Positive Sexuality, 6(1), 4-23.

Klein, M. (2012, January 19). Should Prison Inmates Have the Right to Masturbate ... Retrieved from https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/sexual-intelligence/201201/should-prison-inmates-have-the-right-masturbate

Kot, Y. (2019). The Fundamental Right to Sexual Autonomy in Prison. American Criminal Law Review, 56(511), 511–530. Retrieved from https://www.law.georgetown.edu/american-criminal-law-review/wp-content/uploads/sites/15/2019/04/56-2-The-Fundamental-Right-to-Sexual-Autonomy-in-Prison.pdf

Vagianos, A. (2017, December 7). 13 Reasons Every Woman Should Masturbate. Retrieved from https://www.huffingtonpost.ca/entry/reasons-women-should-masturbate_n_6172092?ri18n=true

We Need to Talk About Sex: Older Adult Edition

The first reaction of many people upon hearing that their grandparents may still be ‘getting some’, is to show a look of horror and say ‘I don’t want to think about it’. Despite sexuality being such a fundamental part of human nature, society seems to have assigned it an expiration date. And yet, statistics show that many older adults engage in sexual behaviour, and they consider it important to their lives and even actively express desire for intimacy, just as frequently as their younger contemporaries (Sousa et al., 2016). Despite this information, older adults face stigma from media that perpetuate negative myths and stereotypes about sexuality in later life; they may be negatively affected when these beliefs are upheld by themselves and others, including their health care providers. As a result, older adults often suffer from increased risk of disease, and they face issues to acquiring necessary treatment as well as other barriers to their sexual needs.

According to a cross-national survey conducted in the U.S, a fourth of older males aged 74-85, half of those between 65 and 74, and three-fourths of those aged 57-64 regularly engaged in sexual activity. Moreover, women showed similar results (Lindau et al., 2007). These data showcase that older adults are not asexual, as we are often led to believe. In spite of these findings, media often portray older adults in such ways, either by omitting older adults whenever sexuality is brought up (i.e., the lack of older adults in ‘sexy’ ads, such as lingerie ads) or in the perpetuation of negative stereotypes like ‘cougars’ or ‘dirty old men’ that shame the presence of sexuality in older adults, positing that it is ‘unnatural’ (Gewirtz-Meydan et al., 2018).

These stereotypes and myths are often then internalized by both older adults and other people, which in turn affects them in a number of ways. For example, older adults may feel shame with regards to intimacy, which then manifests in an unwillingness to discuss sexuality with their families or health care providers. This reluctance is problematic in a multitude of ways, and one reflection of this is in the rise of STI (sexually transmitted infection) diagnoses, such as HIV/AIDs, in older adults (Rheaume & Ethel, 2008). Given that today’s older adults had grown up in a time in which talking about sexuality was more taboo than it is now, there is a knowledge gap that exists in terms of STI protection and on how to negotiate for safe sex with new partners (Reissing & Armstrong, 2017). If older adults are unwilling to disclose information regarding their sexual history to health care professionals, the gap is not filled, and the consequences may be dire. Despite being at a higher risk for STIs than younger people because of their lower immune system functioning and other vulnerabilities related to aging (Reissing & Armstrong, 2017), older adults are less likely to take precautions as they do not believe themselves to be susceptible (Sousa et al., 2016), thereby leading to a greater number of STIs in older adults.

Internalization of myths and stereotypes do not only affect older adults directly, but also indirectly. Lack of knowledge and the presence of age-related bias in practitioners are common. In one study, physicians reported that they felt that they were insufficiently educated in sexuality in later life and therefore did not discuss sexual issues with their older patients. A study of psychiatrists also revealed that they often omit questions about sexual history in their assessment of older men, which often led to inappropriate referrals and treatments (Gewirtz-Meydan et al., 2018). Even when sexual dysfunction is raised, bias is evident: although a clinician may view it as ‘treatable’ in a younger patient, it is viewed as ‘normal’ in an older patient (Sousa et al., 2016). This bias is also a reflection of a dichotomy in which it seems that two models are being used in the approach to sexual problems depending on age. With younger patients, practitioners adopt a biopsychosocial model (i.e. taking an interdisciplinary approach that take into consideration the biological, psychological and social factors in diagnosis) (Gewirtz-Meydan et al., 2018), which is currently being recommended in the field, and yet defaulting to a purely medical model (i.e. the classic approach—insinuates that biological and psychological aspects should be treated separately) (Swaine, 2011) for older adults, ignoring any psychological and social factors that could be coming into play (Estill et al., 2017). As such, older patients do not receive the treatment that they need, or they receive inappropriate treatment.

Furthermore, in many long-term care homes, staff members often hold negative views with regards to any sort of ‘sexual expression’ displayed by their residents. Not only that, but the settings themselves are often not conducive in allowing residents access to their sexual rights, considering the lack of privacy and the stigma that may be incurred if their sexual behaviour was discovered by staff or by other residents (Rheaume & Ethel, 2008). Therefore, many patients in long-term care are unable to have their sexual needs met, and the attitudes of staff only serve to further deepen the myths and stereotypes regarding sexuality in older adults.

Despite these negative findings, there has been research conducted on ways to reduce ageism—that is, prejudice or discrimination based on someone’s age—in sexuality. One of the most notable methods has been education targeted towards health care providers. It has been seen that education in health care providers is essential in eliminating negative stereotypes and views about sexuality in later life (Gewirtz-Meydan et al., 2018). Such education typically would encompass how to recognize cues of desire in older adults, address methods in which staff may facilitate a patient’s sexual expression, and provide skills for the dismantling of stereotypes. Furthermore, privacy policies, such as simple ‘do not disturb’ signs may help in providing private environments for said sexual expression (Rheaume & Ethel, 2008).

Research has also shown that older adults, like younger adults, vary in sexual expression. Sexuality often shifts to non-genital intimacy. As such, health care providers can also be trained to consider sexuality in a broader sense and how to develop treatment plans that include this expanded approach to sexuality (Rheaume & Ethel, 2008). Once trained, practitioners can then help by promoting more realistic attitudes towards sexuality in older adults and guide patients in expanding their sexual repertoire so that their expression of sexual identity becomes consistent with their reality, instead of trying to force themselves into a standard model that is protrayed by media (Gewirtz-Meydan et al., 2018). This shift may also help reduce the effect on internalized stigma older adults may have towards themselves.

Society as a whole can also participate by putting an end to our beliefs in the myths about sexuality in old age and begin to hold open, inclusive discussions about sexuality in all phases of life. We should advocate for positive media – for the end of the perceived mutual exclusivity between sexuality and old age and the end of the taboo over sexuality in later life. We should hold and encourage the discussion about sexuality in later life, to assure that people, regardless of age, feel comfortable in expressing their sexuality and advocate for their sexual health.

In conclusion, bias and stereotypes about sexuality in older adults have been internalized by our society, and they are reflected in the absence or mockery of sexuality in later life by media, in the reluctance to speak about sexuality on the part of older adults themselves, and in the biases of many health care providers. Such negativity may affect older adults as it may lead to an increase in STI transmission risk, difficulty in accessing necessary treatment, and form barriers to their sexual needs. However, as a society, we can end ageism in sexuality through proper education in our health care providers, the adoption of new policies that would allow for an appropriate environment for sexual expression in long-term care homes, the development of positive, inclusive media about sexuality in older adults, and transformative thinking about sex.

As such, maybe we should stop talking about what sex “should” be—this idealized version of sex targeted towards only young couples. Maybe we should stop marginalizing those that don’t fit within what society has defined as “typical”, like older adults. After all, sexual rights are a part of our human rights, and they should be accessible to everyone without stigma or fear of negative consequences. So, maybe we should forget about what sex should be and instead, talk about what sex could be—and that includes having ‘sexy’ grandparents.

Eva Lan

4th Year BAH Linguistics, Queen’s University

References

• Estill, Amy, et al. “The Effects of Subjective Age and Aging Attitudes on Mid- to Late-Life Sexuality.” The Journal of Sex Research, vol. 55, no. 2, Mar. 2017, pp. 146–151., doi:10.1080/00224499.2017.1293603.

• Gewirtz-Meydan, Ateret, et al. “Ageism and Sexuality.” International Perspectives on Aging Contemporary Perspectives on Ageism, 2018, pp. 149–162., doi:10.1007/978-3-319-73820-8_10.

• Lindau, Stacy Tessler, et al. “A Study of Sexuality and Health among Older Adults in the United States.” New England Journal of Medicine, vol. 357, no. 8, 2007, pp. 762–774., doi:10.1056/nejmoa067423.

• Reissing, Elke, and Armstrong, Heather. Human Sexuality: a Contemporary Introduction. OUP Canada, 2017.

• Rheaume, Chris, and Ethel Mitty. “Sexuality and Intimacy in Older Adults.” Geriatric Nursing, vol. 29, no. 5, 2008, pp. 342–349., doi:10.1016/j.gerinurse.2008.08.004.

• Sousa, Avinash De, et al. “Sexuality in Older Adults: Clinical and Psychosocial Dilemmas.” Journal of Geriatric Mental Health, vol. 3, no. 2, 2016, p. 131., doi:10.4103/2348-9995.195629.

• Swaine Z. (2011) Medical Model. In: Kreutzer J.S., DeLuca J., Caplan B. (eds) Encyclopedia of Clinical Neuropsychology. Springer, New York, NY